by Lucy S.
This is a long essay because it is a final paper for a graduate class, but I am including it because of its connection to the last essay, "Enablers?" in case anyone wants to read it. It, and even the last one, are more academic than what I mostly prefer to post here on the blog, but I think it is fairly accessible. And I think that anyone who has been in these positions in which our loved ones need help and we struggle to decide how to help them or what we did wrong when it all fails may relate to Fanny's position. I will include an online link to Mary Shelley's story at the end.
Parvenu: “one that has recently or suddenly risen to an unaccustomed position of wealth or power and has not yet gained the prestige, dignity, or manner associated with it.”
(Merriam Online Dictionary)
French parvenir: “to arrive, to reach, to manage to do something”
[T]hey come up against the limits strictly imposed upon them by the existing circumstances. Because they are incapable of penetrating these limits with their own thought, they attribute this impossibility, which in truth is inflicted upon them, either to themselves, to the great figures of the world, or to others…. Moreover, the dominant ideology dictates that the more individuals are delivered over to objective constellations, over which they have, or believe they have, no power, the more they subjectivize this powerlessness. Starting from the phrase that everything depends on the person, they attribute to people everything that in fact is due to the external conditions, so that in turn the conditions remain undisturbed.(93)
~ Theodor Adorno “The Meaning of Working Through the Past”
We
know that social, economic, and political realities manifest in the lives of
actual people. But we know this nebulously and abstractly – theoretically. In a
hierarchical, but dizzyingly complicated society with deeply normalized
inequality and injustice, these large-scale realities possess and inhabit human
lives in ways the possessed and inhabited often misinterpret or fail to see at
all. How can we know where ‘the system’
leaves off and ‘we’ begin?
For
my part, I freely assign blame for the devastated real lives I have been all
too close to – freely lay it at the feet of the system. My uncle, dead forty-five
days now, too quickly destroyed by a neurological disease that ruined his
ability to willfully move his body, weakened his voice, made him stutter and
drool incessantly, choked him when he tried to swallow, and made him doubt his
own dignity? The system. His identical
twin – my father – thankfully remains healthy. Why did that illness attack my
uncle?
Was
it the plating shop, full of toxic chemicals, that he worked in for three
years, way back when his girlfriend got pregnant and they ‘had’ to get married
at sixteen-years-old? Was it boxing in his early twenties? Or was it the shock
of his son’s twenty-seven year sentence under California’s Three Strikes law
for nonviolent crimes related to heroin addiction? Was it his murdered
twenty-two-year old grandson, shot with a one-week-old baby boy sleeping on his
chest, as a revenge for calling the police to report a carjacking that sent the
perpetrator to prison for two years? Was it the chronic stress of the
relentless income demands to keep so many people going, to keep them safe? How
about the exponentially increased number of chemicals in our food, water,
homes, air, and ground since World War Two? How can we ever disentangle all of
these threads? How can we disentangle the
systemic from the personal?
I
begin here: the system of capitalism continually visits destruction upon the person
– the human being. We must confront it and whatever attributes or beliefs in humanity
make and sustain it. In The Condition of England (1844), Frederick
Engels argues that private property’s existence itself begins the cycle of ruinous
alienation:
Moreover, as
long as private property, the basic form of alienation, exists, interest must
necessarily be the interest of the individual and its domination will be the
domination of property. The abolition of feudal servitude has made
“cash-payment the sole relation of human beings” [Thomas Carlyle, Past and
Present, p. 198] Property, a natural, spiritless principle, as opposed to
the human and spiritual principle, is thus enthroned, and ultimately, to
complete this alienation, money — the alienated, empty abstraction of property
— is made master of the world. (“The Eighteenth Century: Vorwärts! No. 71, September 4, 1844”)
Money,
“the empty abstraction of property,” intensifies this alienation to a devastating
level, resulting in that hollow stand-in for property being “made master of the
world.” Contemporary capitalism structures money’s rulership into its most
obscured point of abstraction – the corporation – so that the interest of the
money-making structure itself subsumes even individual interest. Because the
foundational principal – private property – is “opposed to the human …
principle,” capitalism as a system contains internal contradictions which inevitably
harm people and create dilemmas for them. By its nature, capitalism must be
ruthless and insatiable. Ever greater profit, as a goal, means voracious
ever-increasing consumption. While it makes others go away, capitalism pushes
on – always arriving more fully, taking possession, occupying.
Some
may argue that I displace my pain about my uncle’s death – or the multitude of
other losses, imprisonments, deaths, and ravaged lives of too many people I
care about – displace all of this pain onto a huge amorphous entity – an economic
system touted as democratic and most preferable. I argue the reverse: that we
displace the pain caused by the large onto the small.
The
largeness itself – the murky vastness – of contemporary capitalism is what
makes it hard to see and, conversely, to not see. Capitalism possesses and occupies
humanity and our relationships. Envisioning its demise or a workable
alternative eludes most of us. Those who at least recognize its current disastrous
nature sometimes react by pointing back to simpler forms of capitalism or
private-property-based economic relations, prior to and thus free of the shadow
of the modern corporation. But the collectively ‘remembered’ visions of
blissful, pastoral, ‘simple’ monetary relations between people are fantastical
histories. Yet, there is value in looking back, not nostalgically for times
that never were, but to shake off the spell of imaginary nostalgia, to see the
same old fundamental dilemmas in that younger, more ‘innocent’ incarnation of
this monetary dictator of human relations.
Mary
Shelley’s 1836 short story, “The Parvenue,” written less than a decade before
Engels’ work on the nation’s condition, fleshes out a piece of the “condition
of England” in those earlier, ‘less complicated’ days of capitalism. Then as now, small lives bear the burden of
huge socioeconomic realities. And then, as now, what many think of as choices are,
more accurately, dilemmas – irresolvable dilemmas which lead to loss and
impasses.
In
this story, Fanny, the first-person protagonist, finds herself at what we might
call an aporia, a word etymologically rooted in: “not” (a) and “passage (poros)”
or “impassable … at a loss” and “not porous.” She cannot find a way into or
through the impasse. Her efforts to understand or retroactively think of a
solution cannot penetrate the problem as she continually circles around it. She cannot fathom what she should have done
differently at any step of the way in her history to bring about a better
outcome.
The
waning of feudalism, the new world of bourgeois capitalism, and Fanny’s
position as a dependent wife with no earned income leave her trapped inside the
logic of her society. The only routes to an alternate outcome – the only ways
around the impassable – are outside of Fanny’s thinkable options. Fanny faces
an aporia, and readers face that aporia as well if they stay inside the
represented consciousness of this first-person protagonist.
But
the ideology we bring to stories infuses the meaning we take from them. We read
our ideology onto stories, both fictional and those we and others live out.
What perpetuates the ideology coursing through this society’s veins – bourgeois
capitalist ideology - is reading inside the boundaries of its logic, but at the
same time, superficially. Capitalism works best when details and individual lives
distract or entertain us, yet never matter enough in themselves. This is the
hollowness, the alienation, which Engels identifies – a sense that people and
things are easily replaceable as long as one has enough money to fill in the
blanks with other people and things. To grasp the implications of “The
Parvenue,” then – to begin to read as human beings less colonized by capitalism – we must read against this
superficial distraction. Reading outside the logic of the story yet
simultaneously remaining tightly bound within its limitations allows us to both
understand and feel the entrapment of
individual lives in the clutches of something larger.
The
contradictions which demand this zoomed out, yet micro-focused reading begin
with the title itself. The parvenu is Fanny – a peasant who, in her late teens,
marries an aristocrat. But Fanny is not the sort of parvenu who seeks any of
the material opulence that comes with a move into a higher class. She is an
ambivalent parvenu, on no chase for “prestige, dignity, or the manner
associated with” her “unaccustomed position of wealth,” as per the usual
definition of the word. Quite the
opposite: she says that “nothing, since I can remember forming an idea, so
astonished and jarred with my feelings, as the thought of how the rich could
spend so much on themselves, while any of their fellow creatures were in
destitution.” Marrying an aristocrat does not change that. Having been poor and “brought up among the
poor,” Fanny never loses her “instinct or sentiment of justice,” which is what
Paulo Freire calls “class knowledge” (Freire 26).
Her
radical ideas about wealth distribution undercut her own new class privilege as
the wife of an aristocrat. Although she does not imagine broadening her feeling
for economic justice into mass societal change (or know how to), she remains
convinced that “all had as good a right to the comforts of life as myself, or
even as my husband.” Thus, she cannot bring herself to spend money on expensive
goods. Fanny’s healthy skepticism for token faux-generosity leads her to
repudiate the “patrician charity … which consists in distributing thin soup and
coarse flannel petticoats,” so that the wealthy can feel good giving some of
the poor a bare minimum of food or clothing while always maintaining the gaping
socioeconomic space between the classes. Instead, she uses her ample allowance
which could be spent on “a thousand luxuries to which it appeared to me I had
no right, for feeding the hungry.” If she cannot redistribute societal wealth
more equitably, she will at least redistribute the pieces of it she controls.
In
keeping with this sense of redistribution, what she gives she considers, not
“charities,” but rather “the payment of my debts to my fellow creatures.”
Appearing “dowdily dressed” at grand parties, angering her husband, she refuses
to “spend twenty guineas on a gown” when the same money spent for others could
“dress so many sad faces in smiles.” Thus, she uses her elevation in class, her
parvenu status, to bring herself back down and lift the poor up – to reduce the
space between her aristocratic identity and her fellow human beings. (269)
Then
as now, although the dominant ideology inhabits us, our own experiences,
relations with others, and “instinct or sentiment of justice” live within us to
varying extents as well. These vying forces result in internal struggles as we
try to interpret and act within our particular realities. As much as Fanny
refuses to accept the economic inequities of her society as normal, she still
doubts herself, countering her disdain for “patrician charity,” for example,
with the addendum: “though such is praiseworthy” (269). And although she ultimately settles on a view
of herself as a “martyr” for her “faith,” and will not call her acted upon
convictions a “fault,” she remains keenly aware that the rich would judge her
as “wrong,” that “to please my husband and do honour to his rank” would, in
their view, be her “first duty.”
This
dual awareness bears a kinship to the “double consciousness” that W.E.B. Du Bois
describes for African-Americans, the “sense of always looking at one’s self
through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that
looks on in amused contempt and pity” (568). But Fanny’s duality is grounded in
class rather than ethnicity (in turn bound to class in America). Although her
class loyalty and sense of fairness remain unshakeable, Fanny, unlike Du Bois,
lacks the awareness and confidence to take her convictions to the next level –
to that of a full societal critique which would link her to others enacting
societal change. Thus, as she stammers through interrupted statements about the
consequences of her lived out beliefs, she can only call the result “a
misfortune” rather than the logical product of her society. (269-270).
Getting
ahead of herself, Fanny reveals a portion of this “misfortune,” or rather, the
sacrifice paid – her martyrdom to her own “faith.” Allowing readers only a
glimpse of the coming “full disaster” which “crushed” her, Fanny says, “[F]or
many years, I have wasted at the slow fire of knowing that I lost my husband’s
affections for doing what I believed to be a duty.” Again, her “double
consciousness” manifests itself. Two
conceptions of “duty” exist in her thinking – the kind the rich would call her
“first duty,” and the “duty” to those of her own recent economic condition. The
latter for her is her “duty” to her conscience. Along with a knowledge of how “the
rich” in a general sense would or do see her, Fanny must be particularly aware
of her own husband’s perspective. Yet, although their significant class
difference does not prevent the relationship, it seems to impede an ability for
either one of them to develop a deeply felt sense of the other’s consciousness.
(269-270)
Social
position and, most of all, money both attract them to and alienate them from
each other early on. Lord Reginald notices Fanny at church and begins walking
with her and her sister or calling at their cottage, and the relationship develops
enough for Fanny to believe that he loves her even then. Perhaps at this point,
the attraction between them is ‘genuine’ in that it is propelled by a mutual
affection for one another as individuals. But what ignites the relationship is an actual
fire, and the role Lord Reginald plays as Fanny’s savior. A fire which begins in
a pile of hay spreads to their cottage. All survive, but Fanny lives “by a
miracle.” The others get out, but she runs to her mother’s room to be sure her
mother has escaped. She seems destined to die as the fire traps her, but just
then, Lord Reginald appears as her “preserver” to carry her out. “To have been
saved by him,” she says, “was to make the boon of life doubly precious.” For
his part, “from the hour he saved [Fanny’s] life, love grew into an overpowering
passion.” Fanny’s father is “crippled for life,” from here on, but Lord Reginald
has the whole family take up “lodge on his estate,” sending food and tenderly
caring for them all as they settle in. The old, traditional manorial relations
of Lord and serfs working his land now infuse Reginald’s and Fanny’s personal
relationship.
The
king or lord as savior to those bound to him is a crucial part of feudalism’s
ideology. Saving Fanny and then her family allows Lord Reginald to more fully
inhabit an aristocratic identity which is slipping away from him as capitalism
moves in and occupies feudalism’s previous dominance in English society. Giving
Fanny life itself excites him because he can be what he was ‘meant’ to be: a
full Lord. Likewise, the right to live on his vast lands is a lord’s currency
in exchange for the loyalty of ‘his’ peasants. Lord Reginald can thus be the
glorious “preserver” to them all. Fanny, too, is deeply susceptible to ‘saving’
ideologies linked to feudalism and chivalry. Furthermore, Fanny’s communistic
notions of equally distributed wealth, though undeveloped, draw her to Lord
Reginald. She sees him freely, generously sharing what he has with her and her
family. Her inability to grasp the embedded patterns and stories informing and
driving their feelings steeps the whole forging of their relationship in “much
obscurity” for her as she looks back. Neither of them understands the very
different ideologically driven desires each bring to the marriage which
initially attract but ultimately repel. (267-269)
But
bourgeois capitalism’s ever deepening arrival in English society and Fanny’s
own family’s consciousness cause the full collision of the contradictions and oppositional
ideologies motivating Fanny and her aristocratic husband. Fanny’s father and siblings
(with their spouses) want a very different currency from Lord Reginald than
simply the right to live on his land as he acts as their feudal lord. They
cannot restrain themselves at the proximity of all that heretofore distant
wealth. The currency they crave is that “cash payment” Engels names as what becomes
“the sole relation of human beings” under the newer system.
Upon
returning home from the first two years of marriage lived abroad, Fanny’s
husband tells her that her family has been making “exorbitant demands” on him
for money. He declares “no wish to raise [her] family from their station in
society” and is “resolved not to comply.” Hastening the metamorphosis of his
‘serfs’ into more impudent, new-moneyed capitalists is the last thing Lord
Reginald wants. For him, Fanny’s family is reneging on their end of the
unspoken deal, refusing to ‘know their place.’ Fanny agrees, but for her own
reasons. Believing luxuriant spending wrong, period, she is not about to
support their “extravagant demands.”
But
upon reuniting with her family, she finds her “earthly angel” mother in almost
fatally frail health while the rest of the family begs Fanny to “intercede”
with her aristocratic spouse on their behalves. Her father pleads for money,
not for immediate tangible luxuries, but for that empty, alienated place-holder
for private goods which he has pursued: more money. He has “embarked in a
speculation which required a large capital,” and his unsuccessful scrambles to
become a capitalist threaten to ruin his honor along with many families
grabbing toward their own capitalist success through him. What moves Fanny to
mediate for her father, most of all, is her deep concern for her mother’s
tenuous health. Her mother never participates in these monetary requests, but the
father’s amateurish, scheming business gambles inescapably harm her.
Thus,
Fanny asks her husband, and keeps asking, as one new financial crisis after
another drives desperate requests. At last, he forces her to “choose” to never
see her family again or part from him forever. As an answer, she packs and
leaves “in a sort of delirium of grief and horror” – less a choice than a breakdown
brought on by a dilemma pushed to its irresolvable edge. The story then ends
three years later, with Fanny’s mother and father dead, no reconciliation with Lord
Reginald – who wants to marry someone else from his own social class – and Fanny
about to abandon her home in England for America, where she imagines herself soon
dead. Grasping for capitalistic success has fragmented the family forever and
destroyed the lives of many of its broken off individuals. (266, 270-274)
***
Following
Fanny’s lead, I want to circle back around now. She begins the story at its
end, asking a rhetorical: “Why do I write my melancholy story?” (266). But
Fanny does not really write her story; Shelley writes it. And Shelley clearly
is not writing the confused, lesson-less tale that Fanny purports to be telling
from inside of Shelley’s fiction. In the first question and at every step in
this story, Fanny is both an unreliable narrator in her interpretation of her
narrative, and a trustworthy one in relaying the events of her life as well as
her reactions to those events. She cannot understand her social and thus
individual condition, but never willingly lies. We read Fanny as relaying
her story as accurately as she knows how, so that “others may judge” and
perhaps determine “what have been [her] errors” (266). This appeal to others reveals more in her consciousness
besides the ideologies of feudalism and capitalism – a fledging reach toward
some communal solidarity with her own radical “sentiment of justice” (269). Fanny tells this story for the reasons many
tell stories of ruined lives. She wants the consolation, perhaps, of being
declared blameless by an abstract audience, but the absolution of blame can do
nothing to mitigate the consequences.
Yet,
the feeling that she is missing something which could have brought about a
better result compels her to reexamine and relay her history. The mind never
fully reconciles itself to the aporia. The story’s form echoes the trapped
circular feeling of Fanny’s predicament. The circle leads back to her – the
individual.
It
is vital that Shelley has written the story completely inside the logic of
individual experience because this individualism was the prevailing doctrine of
the burgeoning capitalist ideology and society in the England of her time. As
Engels points out in the same essay, the individual whose rights this society
purports to uphold is not the “free, self-conscious, creative” human being, but
instead the “crude and blind man who remains within the confines of the
contradictions.”
This
is the individual upon whom Jeremy Bentham’s utilitarianism is founded, Engels
argues. Bentham, he says, “in accordance with the national trend of that time
makes the individual interest the basis of the general interest.” Engels goes
on to trace out what that means:
Bentham makes
free competition the essence of morality, regulates human relations according
to the laws of property, of things, according to the laws of nature, and thus
represents the culmination of the old, naturally evolved Christian world order,
the highest point of alienation, and not the beginning of a new order to be
created by self-conscious man in full freedom. He does not advance beyond the
state, but strips it of all meaning, substitutes social principles for
political ones, turns the political organisation into the form of the social
content and thus carries the contradiction to its extreme limit. (“Vorwärts! No. 73, September 11, 1844”)
Shelley,
too, “carries the contradiction to its extreme limit,” but in ways oppositional
to Bentham’s conception of society.
Bentham’s society, founded upon “enlightened egoism” as an expression of
“the general good,” creates the contradictions; Shelley’s story drags them out
into the light by demonstrating the dilemmas to which a society undergirded by
selfishness ultimately leads.
As the daughter and widow of English radicals,
Shelley was well versed in these social and political issues. In fact, as
Engels explains, it was Shelley’s father, William Godwin, in his book, An Inquiry Concerning Political Justice
(1793), who made the case for an entirely different conception of “the
principle of utility” than Bentham’s. Godwin, says Engels, defines “the
principle of utility quite generally as the duty of the citizen to live only
for the general good without regard to his individual interest” – a principle
Bentham completely inverted. Shelley has written a character who embodies this
principle. Yet trying to live it out as a sole individual amidst a society in
which “competition” and “the laws of property” infuse human relations wreaks
havoc on Fanny. The “contradiction” of the society is carried “to its extreme
limit” in her story. Trying to do what should be the ‘right’ thing becomes the
‘wrong’ thing in this society. The one individual cannot privately right its
wrongs.
Fanny
follows her opening “why” question with another: “Is it as a lesson, to prevent
any other from wishing to rise to rank superior to that in which they are
born?”(266) The question implies agency, and with it, the visibly available
choices, which are either to accept one’s socioeconomic place or individually attempt to rise above
it. Feudalism affirms the former choice; the promises of capitalism, the
latter. Anyone trying to manifest this kind of agency (inside the obvious parameters
of this story and society) would end up choosing between feudalism’s conservative
acceptance of the old status quo and bourgeois capitalism’s aggressive making
of new socioeconomic realities, allowing some to force their way up the ranks.
But
Fanny’s case cannot even speak to the issue of someone “wishing to rise to rank
superior,” if by wishing, some action to make it happen is implied. Fanny slips
upward through her marriage to an aristocrat, yet the elevation appears to
‘happen’ to her as a passive recipient. The antithesis to someone scheming to
rise by marrying up, Fanny’s impulses, if carried out in full, would result in
a leveling out of her new aristocratic role and her husband’s wealthy lordship
with the masses. Furthermore, in more general terms, for a woman, the choices
are one step removed, because the question of whether she will “rise to rank
superior” is bound to whether she marries someone who is either of higher rank
or will try his hand at market economics to push his (and thus their) way up.
Fanny
can conceive of no lesson from her story, because the outcome seems to depend
upon luck. She and her family were
unlucky; others may fare differently.
Beyond luck, the only ostensible lesson for the reader can be to not do as Fanny has done. The deeper
lesson is quite the opposite, but it is not simply self-interest’s acted out
antonym which would leave someone else in the same place as Fanny, cornered
into sacrificing for those who themselves act selfishly. What is left out is
the option to do away with hierarchical rank – radical socioeconomic
transformation. Thus, the real lesson is completely outside of the question’s
implications.
Fanny
continues, answering her own question: “No! miserable as I am, others might
have been happy … the chalice has been poisoned for me alone!” Buying into the
individualist logic of newly arriving capitalism, she believes in the alienated
singularity of her story. Misery and happiness are thus the private emotional
states of each subject without commonality. The chalice – the goblet – often
the Eucharist cup to be drunk in remembrance of the individual (Christ) who
died to redeem the many – is “poisoned” only for her; redemption is denied to
her “alone.” The blood of sacrifice harms rather than heals. Fanny’s efforts to
“intercede” between the many and the one with power in their lives – Lord
Reginald – culminate in a casting off, not only of those requiring intercession,
but of the intercessor herself, a withdrawal of salvation.
With
money as “master of the world,” the potential supplier of that money for
Fanny’s family – Lord Reginald – becomes their God figure. In a money-centered
society, money is life, and he is the one who can bestow that life. Money
washes away their ‘sins’ and money saves (the only salvation available under
capitalism). And because money becomes the only facet of his identity which
matters, Lord Reginald must become only money. The grace he can bestow is
money, but in distributing that grace, he diminishes himself. As Fanny’s
“preserver,” Lord Reginald meant to pluck just the one individual from the
fire, to save the one (267). He loved his role as the savior of one, the
granter of actual life for Fanny. But the entire economic system forces him
into his God as money / money as God role for the many bound to the one saved. Thus,
“the chalice is poisoned” not for Fanny “alone,” but for everyone “alone.” The oceanic
pain of the many distills into the concentrated poisoned cup for each individual.
What
Du Bois describes for the African-American of his time and nation thus applies
to Fanny and her family as well: “This waste of double aims, this seeking to
satisfy two unreconciled ideals, has wrought sad havoc with the courage and
faith and deeds of ten thousand people, – has sent them wooing false gods and
invoking false means of salvation, and at times has even seemed about to make
them ashamed of themselves.”(568)
“Ashamed”
is not precisely the emotion Fanny feels in the aftermath of her “crushing,” Shame
may have been what drove her father and siblings to chase money and a nouveau-
riche status as a “false means of salvation” from their precarious
impoverishment. But Fanny herself is “miserable” and “bewildered” (266). Though
its ideology unavoidably infiltrates her consciousness, Fanny has not run to
capitalism for salvation, but she has sought refuge in feudalism’s comfortable
old promise of security. Her own undeveloped revolutionary consciousness, her
“instinct or sentiment of justice,” inevitably could not mix with feudalism’s
answers.
Fanny
does not understand how to transform her more radical consciousness into action
because she appears to be isolated as she contemplates her fate thus far.
Perhaps she writes her “melancholy story” to know what to do with her future.
Right now, only the “last decay” of death is visible on her horizon. But if Fanny
keeps circling around, her story may save her in a way that Lord Reginald could
not. Allowing the fullness of her own story to seep deeply into her
consciousness may bring her to life.
***
But
Fanny (or Shelley) writes this “melancholy story” to someone. What do readers find as they (we) keep circling it?
Clearly, this story’s ostensible (as well as actual) author needs readers to
empathize with the protagonist for the story to ‘work.’ Feeling had been posited as an important part of stable society in
European moral philosophy, but the empathy Fanny (or Shelley) attempts to evoke
from readers would, if acted upon, have a decidedly destabilizing effect on a
society structured hierarchically and inequitably. Kristin Boudreau explains how sympathy was
supposed to work to maintain stability in the new bourgeois society
precariously driven by each one’s self-interest:
Liberal
society, which empowered individuals to a degree that had never existed under
absolute rulers, recognized the need to protect itself against the warring
claims of different individuals. Like the religious experiment that would
surely fail if its covenant were abandoned in favor of private interests, the
social contract demanded a balance between self and society, freedom and
regulation. Moral philosophers responded to this challenge of liberal society
by locating the mechanism of social control in the individual’s “natural”
response to other subjects and to other situations. By seeing another person’s
suffering through one’s own eyes, one might respond privately to scenes which
would bring different selves together in sympathetic union. (5-6)
We
as readers feel Fanny’s dilemmas, but the result of deeply sympathizing with her
leads us to conclude that liberal capitalism’s “social contract” with its
“balance between self and society“ does not
work, that the individual (and by extension, the many) cannot be protected against “the warring
claims of different individuals.” The only answer within its logic is to not feel, to not be as Fanny is – to become one of those individuals making
“warring claims.”
The
temptation for readers of that time might then be to retreat from the
contradictions and instability of bourgeois capitalism back to the stable ‘good
old days’ of feudalism, as some now want to skip back to the ‘kinder, gentler’
days of capitalism. But Fanny has one foot back in feudalism and one foot
forward in capitalism; the one has led to the other. To go back would be to
keep Fanny and people like her family in a perpetual subservient state,
dependent upon the whims and graces of an aristocrat who will never share
resources or power equally with others, but will only give them what does not
topple his own material or political position. At any rate, retreat is not
possible. Engels writing with Karl Marx sums up the situation, a summation
which speaks for the realities dramatized in “The Parvenue”:
The
bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal,
patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley
feudal ties that bound man to his “natural superiors,” and has left remaining
no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous
“cash-payment.” It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervor,
of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of
egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value,
and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that
single, unconscionable freedom – free trade. In one word, for exploitation,
veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked,
shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. (32)
This
is the social condition arriving in Fanny’s England, vying with and overcoming the
remnants of feudalism. Whatever readers then might imagine they wish for,
bourgeois capitalism rips off the ‘veils’ of older ideologies and forces them
all into the non-genteel “icy water of egotistical calculation.” The up-and-coming
merchant class is not about to throw away its single “free trade” freedom and
submissively move back onto the lands of the aristocracy, any more than the
corporations of today will devolve into the mythical mom-and-pop shops of
yesteryear. Aristocrats like Lord Reginald adapt by becoming capitalists
themselves, if they are to maintain their wealth. Thus, as Marx and Engels
write, “The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.”
The
bourgeois revolution sweeps readers of that time forward into capitalism with
no way back to the old manorial relations. Ultimately the readers of then
become the readers of now as capitalism continually arrives. What do we as
contemporary readers find as we circle this story and allow it greater porosity
into our own consciousness? Do we, too, see Fanny’s ideas as “sordid,” as Lord
Reginald called them? Would we like her better if she spent freely on gowns and
was “outshining competitors” at the nobility’s parties rather than spending her
allowance on the poor in her vicinity? (269)
The
only way to a different result inside bourgeois capitalism’s options for Fanny is one in which she would have disregarded her
empathy and urges to care for the poor and keep her loved ones as safe as her
position made possible, or if she had
just been luckier by having other family members who behaved or fared
differently. These are the ways to salvation which capitalism offers the
individual: the ‘practical’ route of narrow self-interest and/or luck. Reading “The Parvenue” as it must be read
forces readers to more fully confront what Marx and Engels describe – the “naked,
shameless, direct, brutal” realities of capitalism. If there are no acceptable
answers within the choices available
in a structure – if we find only ruination of the self in one way or another in
that structure – then the only answer can be to break out of that structure
completely.
Whatever
her intention, Shelley represents for us the feudal, bourgeois capitalist, and
radical consciousness warring in one individual and in larger society. Like the
people Adorno writes of in the opening passage excerpted from his essay, “The
Meaning of Working Through the Past,” Fanny is “working through the past,” and we
as readers must work through it with her. Adorno writes about a nation of
people who allowed Nazism to take over or even embraced it; in the aftermath,
they try to understand who to blame, how it happened, and why. Or they try to
forget, or to convince themselves that not all aspects of life under Hitler and
National Socialism were so bad. Fascism attempts to reconcile the three warring
consciousnesses in its nationalistic mix of Fuhrer (mythologized in ways akin
to the feudal lords of the past), business, and a social safety net for those
deemed equal (with others excluded, attacked, and/ or exterminated).
Fanny
writes as a lone subject, and the ruined life is her own. She does not
potentially have the blood of millions on her hands. But capitalism does. It
kills overtly in its own wars to sustain or increase its possession and
consumption. It kills by pursuing profit even though the pursuit in its varied
forms harms life. And it kills by willful negligence, by withholding what is
needed for life, by requiring money from those who cannot pay for life. We – like Fanny – like the post-Nazi-era
Germans – subjectivize our
powerlessness, leaving us in that circling quandary which moves between us,
others, and “great figures.” For specific atrocities or catastrophes, the
dominant ideology asks but does not really want to answer: who or what is
responsible?
Ultimately,
the parvenu Shelley profiles is not Fanny, but continually arriving capitalism.
Yet, with it comes another parvenu, inevitably pushing its way in with the
socioeconomic conditions and internal contradictions capitalism inevitably
creates and drags along – the radical egalitarian consciousness germinating in
people like Fanny. The capitalist system
functions best by requiring us to not love who we do love, to not even love our
own lives, but to place everything into its service. If we identify these two consciousnesses as Du
Bois’s “double aims,” then the “two unreconciled ideals,” the profoundly
different choices are either the “domination of property,” as Engels calls it,
with its hollow, alienated “money as master” form of self-interest or life in
free relationship with other human beings
Works
Cited
Adorno,
Theodor. “The Meaning of Working Through the Past.” Critical Models: Interventions and Catchwords. New York: Columbia
University Press. 2005. Print.
Boudreau,
Kristin. Sympathy in American Literature:
American Sentiments from Jefferson to the Jameses. Gainesville, FL:
University Press of Florida. 2002. Print.
Du
Bois, W.E.B. “[On Double Consciousness]from The
Souls of Black Folk” The Critical
Tradition: Classic Texts and Contemporary Trends. Ed. David H. Richter.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s. 2007. Print.
Engels,
Frederick. “The Eighteenth Century: Vorwärts!
No. 71, September 4, 1844” The Condition
of England. Marxists Internet
Archive. Web. 14 Nov. 2011.
Freire, Paulo. Pedagogy
of Hope. New York: Continuum. 2004. Print.
Engels, Frederick. “The Eighteenth Century: Vorwärts!
No. 73, September 11, 1844” The Condition
of England. Marxists Internet Archive. Web. 14 Nov. 2011.
Marx,
Karl and Frederick Engels. “The Communist Manifesto.” Manifesto: Three Classic Essays on How to Change the World. New
York: Ocean Press. 2005. Print.
Shelley,
Mary. “The Parvenue.” Collected Tales and
Stories. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. 1990. Print.
Online version: http://arthursclassicnovels.com/shelley/parven10.html
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