I
don’t have much time to write; I have to finish a reading, keep preparing for
my official conversation tomorrow about my final project, do some last writing
on my master’s essay, and go to class tonight. The temperature has dropped from
the 70s to the 40s in one day. I won’t be marching today. I have no time to, I am
sorry to say. Saturday, I will finally be at a picket action in the afternoon,
if all goes well. But today is May Day – International Workers’ Day.
It’s
sadly unsurprising that so many people in the U.S. don’t know about or think
much about this day. Here’s a bit of Wikipedia history on the day:
International
Workers' Day is the commemoration of the 1886 Haymarket affair in Chicago.
The police were trying to disperse a public assembly during a general strike
for the eight-hour workday, when an unidentified person threw a bomb at
them. The police reacted by firing on the workers, killing four demonstrators.
"Reliable witnesses testified that all the pistol flashes came from the
center of the street, where the police were standing, and none from the crowd.
Moreover, initial newspaper reports made no mention of firing by civilians. A
telegraph pole at the scene was filled with bullet holes, all coming from the
direction of the police."
In 1889, the
first congress of the Second International, meeting in Paris for
the centennial of the French Revolution and the Exposition
Universelle, following a proposal by Raymond Lavigne, called for international
demonstrations on the 1890 anniversary of the Chicago protests. May Day
was formally recognized as an annual event at the International's second
congress in 1891.
“International Workers' Day: History”
Isn’t it amazing that International Workers’ Day
commemorates what happened in Chicago, and yet it is in the U.S. that the
holiday goes uncelebrated in any official sense? But of course, it has been important for the
dominant powers to obscure this history and to de-radicalize people in doing
so.
I presented a paper at a conference last Friday that was
about our disappeared history – the roots of the mass expansion of our public
college systems in the U.S.
During the
Depression, the Roosevelt administration created the WPA (Works Progress Administration)
arts projects to create jobs. Many proletarian writers – worker-writers on the
Left who were part of movements to transform the country into something far
more participatory, democratic, and economically just – went to work for the
WPA. The WPA did not outlive the
Depression, but it was a major predecessor to the mass expansion of the college
and university systems. Thus, an effort for all to rise became something
complicated and at odds with itself – a means for individuals to rise if they
got a college education.
Yet that radical heritage has never been eliminated in
academia. Our college systems were also a kind of ‘commons’ – something
available to all, at least in some places, such as in California, where they
were free for a while. And they became a place in which education can help
create critical consciousness. At the same time, there was a kind of deal made
in which individuals could blame themselves or be blamed for not getting a
college education, so that it would somehow be their own fault if they were
poorly paid for their labor and worked in lousy conditions. Thus, individual
ascension vies with collective ascension as a goal in our educational systems.
This is what a big part of my work has been about – my final project as well as
some of my other work. I have been trying to understand my own condition, our
society, education, and what is worth working for.
I struggle with depression, insecurity, panic attacks,
and personal situations with no easy resolutions. I mourn lost loved ones and
those who suffer most egregiously under this system. I get upset when I talk
with my cousin Johnny and listen to him struggling to catch his breath because
he caught Valley Fever during his 17 years in California State prisons, where
the disease is most rampant – 17 years for nonviolent crimes. But I am
fortunate in many ways. I love my life, and I love the many awesome people I am bound to in many ways. And I agree wholeheartedly with radical educator Myles
Horton when he said:
I think that
we all may be mixed up psychologically, but I don't think that we are going to
solve our personal problems just by searching our souls or by getting a
professional therapist to help us work out our internal, individual problems. I think these problems get resolved much
faster in action, preferably in some kind of social movement. (The
Long Haul 93-95).
And I agree with him when he said:
I think if I
had to put my finger on what I consider a good education, a good radical education,
it wouldn't be anything about methods or techniques. It would be loving people first. If you don't do that, Che Guevara says,
there's no point in being a revolutionary.
I agree with that. And that means
all people everywhere, not just your own family or your own countrymen or your
own color. And wanting for them what you
want for yourself. And then next is
respect for people's abilities to learn and to act and to shape their own
lives. (We Make the Road by Walking
177)
Be proud of your labor, paid and unpaid, and stand with other workers.
Solidarity,
Solidarity,
Lucy
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